Haiti's Call to Konbit: Leaders Must Rally Every Citizen
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The security crisis gripping Haiti continues unabated, bringing the country to its knees despite recent political changes and international support. As widespread gang violence and endemic corruption persist, I aim to examine Haiti's current situation and its ongoing leadership challenges. More importantly, I want to revisit a theme I've advocated for over the past decade: the critical need for Haitian agency and collective action.
As an advocate for the Transitional Presidential Council (TPC) and Prime Minister Conille, I believed it was important to give Haiti’s new political leaders time to develop and execute their security, economic, and social recovery programs. While I still have high hopes for their success and will do whatever I can to help, the lack of progress compels me to speak out and sound the alarm. I understand that Haiti’s social structure is complex and its politics even more so.
However, our expectations of the country’s leaders are rightfully high as they have all been in politics for decades and are well-acquainted with the problems. Unfortunately, the early signals are worrying. August 3rd marked two months since the installation of the new government, and so far, there has been little indication that they are prepared to tackle the country's multifaceted crises. Moreover, in this moment of crisis, there has been no urgent call to rally all Haitians to join the fight to save Haiti.
Where Are We?
Four months ago, Haitian activists and advocates like myself were calling for Prime Minister (PM) Ariel Henry to step down. His tenure was abysmal, marked by disinterest in governance and total disregard for citizens. Under his leadership, gangs expanded their control, leaving destruction and despair in their wake.
After months of negotiations facilitated by CARICOM, PM Henry was pushed out of office. Haiti's political factions agreed to a power-sharing structure involving a nine-member TPC, which took office on April 25, 2024. Dr. Conille was selected as Prime Minister and installed on June 3rd. The final piece of the puzzle was the UN-approved mission led by Kenya, with the first contingent of 400 Kenyan police officers arriving on June 25th.
However, despite these changes, the population has yet to experience tangible improvements. Gangs continue to terrorize communities, while corruption scandals involving TPC members dominate headlines. A lack of urgency, action and infighting among political leaders further exacerbate the situation. Even worse, a stench of corruption emanating from the TPC, combined with the government's timid action against the gangs, has begun to severely erode public trust and hope for change and a return to public order.
Reclaiming Haitian Agency
In 2018, I posed the question, "Have we no agency?" This question remains pertinent today. I could never deny the international community's influence on Haiti. However, for far too long, this has been a fallback for our political leaders, who find it easier to blame others for our problems. Our Haitian collective imagination is built around the achievements of our ancestors. Yet, as their descendants, we have surrendered our power and agency.
In my article, "A five-point inclusive plan for sustainable security and stability in Haiti," I proposed a comprehensive approach to address our nation's insecurity and violence, rooted in the fundamental principle of national unity and the power of 'konbit' - our traditional form of communal work and solidarity. It's time we recognize and utilize our resources fully before seeking external aid.
Key elements of this plan include:
Mobilizing all available resources like the Henry administration did when it managed to find $500 million to repay Venezuela while pleading for financial assistance from Washington.
Reinforcing elite units of the Haitian National Police (HNP) and the military to spearhead efforts to confront gang violence.
Implementing community-led policing that fosters partnerships between HNP officers and community leaders.
Integrating private security officers, which are estimated to “be 75,000 to 90,000 individuals working with roughly 100 private security companies across the country,” can significantly bolster Haiti’s security capabilities.
Nationwide participation of all sectors of Haitian society, including our diaspora
The $500 million payment to Venezuela serves as a glaring example of our capacity to mobilize significant financial resources when deemed necessary. This sum, if redirected, could have been instrumental in equipping and strengthening our Haitian National Police (HNP).
“PM Conille’s administration needs to be transparent about Haiti’s financial situation and make an urgent appeal to Haitian citizens to contribute more.”
Today, we are once again seeking the international community's financial support. While they can play a role, PM Conille's administration needs to be transparent about Haiti's financial situation and make an urgent appeal to citizens to contribute more. Our country is burning, and while the firemen are present, the firetruck is out of water. We are ready to bring our buckets, but the firemen on the scene will need to organize us so we can better help douse the flames. The concept of "konbit" and the proverb "men anpil, chay pa lou" (many hands make light work) should inspire us to build a chain of people bringing water as Haiti burns. But every konbit requires a facilitator. We are ready to participate and need the new government to sound the "lambi" (conch shell) calling us all to action. Instead, we continue to be mere observers of a fire that threatens to engulf the entire country. Haitians must lead the fight for our country's security. This is integral to reclaiming our agency and addressing our challenges with our own means and efforts.
The Need for Collective Action
As Haitians, we have shown a remarkable ability to mobilize against perceived enemies, as seen in the mobilization against PM Henry and the "Kanal Pap Kanpe - KPK" movement. However, this energy often dissipates when it comes to building collective and positive initiatives. Our inability to form representative structures and build bridges of inclusion is at the root of our problems.
In my article, "I Am Haitian. I Am American: Embracing the Full Potential of Haiti's Diverse Diaspora," I suggested several ways to engage in collective action. For example, we could have created a diaspora-funded security initiative to support Haiti's police and military, overseen by the National Security Council. Additionally, the appointment of a respected diaspora member to lead the National Education Fund would have demonstrated the government's commitment to leveraging diaspora expertise and using its resources rationally.
I didn't expect miracles, but at the very least, I had hoped we would be asked to make some sacrifice for our country. Two months later, as a Haitian living abroad, I haven't even received a video message from my minister - the Minister of Haitian Living Abroad. The disregard is clear, and the exclusion continues.
Still, I love my motherland, which is why I recommend that the government take immediate steps to engage all Haitians in the fight for our nation's future. This could include launching a national public awareness campaign, creating local community action committees, and establishing a diaspora engagement task force to mobilize us. Each Haitian, whether at home or abroad, should be asked to contribute their skills, resources, or time to specific initiatives aimed at rebuilding our nation’s security, economy, and social fabric.
We are waiting for the call to participate in the national “konbit.”
Some may argue that such broad-based initiatives are too ambitious given Haiti's current state of crisis or that corruption will inevitably undermine these efforts. These concerns are valid, but they should not paralyze us into inaction. Instead, we must build transparency and accountability into every step of this process. We can rebuild trust and momentum by starting with achievable goals and publicly tracking progress. The alternative—continuing on our current path—is simply not an option if we wish to see Haiti take its rightful place in the community of nations.
Conclusion
Haiti's path to a secure future lies in reclaiming our agency and fostering collective action. This requires a united effort from the government, civil society, and all Haitians within and abroad.
To address the urgent security crisis, we must implement strategic initiatives such as reinforcing our elite police and military units, partnering with international forces for community policing, and integrating private security personnel into our national security framework. Furthermore, we must maximize all resources, including leveraging the potential of our diaspora through initiatives like diaspora-funded security programs and appointing qualified diaspora members to key positions. For this to work, transparency in managing public funds is crucial for building trust and encouraging further engagement. The reported flagrant corruption and egregious misconduct of the TPC are unbecoming and truly anti-patriotic.
Lastly, we need a fundamental shift in our mindset. We must return to our roots and embrace the spirit of "konbitism" – all hands on deck. A fundamental shift from blaming external factors to taking responsibility for our nation's future is not just necessary; it's our duty. The time for action is now, and it begins with us, the Haitian people, reclaiming our agency and working together with our government toward a stable and prosperous Haiti.